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SCIENCE-FOR-THE-PEOPLE  November 2003

SCIENCE-FOR-THE-PEOPLE November 2003

Subject:

From Latin America

From:

Maurice Bazin <[log in to unmask]>

Reply-To:

Science for the People Discussion List <[log in to unmask]>

Date:

Mon, 10 Nov 2003 10:15:07 -0200

Content-Type:

multipart/mixed

Parts/Attachments:

Parts/Attachments

text/plain (17 lines) , text/enriched (27 lines) , Defense of Humanity 11-03.rtf (27 lines) , Defense of Humanity 11-03.rtf (27 lines) , Unknown Name (610 lines) , Unknown Name (763 lines)

Dear friends,
you know that I live in Brazil, work for Indian peoples and try to be 
as concrete as possible in educational initiatives and political 
awareness building.
The enclosed document, written up in Mexico, reflects positions and 
proposals that I urge you, my progressive activist scientist friends, 
to add your signature to by writing to:  [log in to unmask]

In the specific case of the issue of GM soy in Brazil, as raised by 
Dick Levins, I will be posting a proposal within a few days.
Maurice
Maurice Bazin,  Florianópolis,   Brasil
Tel: 55 48 237 3140
Fax: 55 48 338 2686 (may need oral warning; pode precisar avisar)




[Note from Mauirice Bazin and Jim Cockcroft: you can mail your signature to [log in to unmask]] 02 Nov 2003 Not one more request for your signature I am Angel Guerra, a member of the Organizational Committee of the International Conference In Defense of Humanity, held in México City the past 24th and 25tht of October. I know that people very frequently receive messages like this one asking for their signature in favor of different issues. I shall assure that this is not one more among many other such requests you may receive. This Conference, despite "being humble could be historical" as James Cockcroft has stated to the Mexican newspaper La Jornada. Not only, I add, because of its goals but also because those who organize it and those who have attended it. The group who organized the Conference is the same one that written and delivered last April’s statement To the Conscience of the World, which played an important role in dismantling the plans of the Bush Administration to deliver an aggression against Cuba by manipulating the defensive reaction of the Cuban government, according to Cuban laws, toward the fifth column previously organized inside the island by the U.S.A.´ s government. The debate stimulated by To the Conscience of the World permitted the clarification of who is who in the Cuban-American conflict, who is the aggressor and who is the offended and why the offended -the Cuban people- has been able to stand victoriously for so many decades in front of the blockade and harassment of the greatest military power of history. By evaluating this experience in the defense of Cuba we got to the conclusion that we could try to generalize it to stand in defense of all those peoples of the world and communities also offended or menaced of aggression by the current group who has seized power illegally in Washington and has already started two wars of aggression against Afghanistan and Iraq, poor nations of the Third World, and is menacing many others to apply the same medicine -"preemptive war"- against the so called terrorism, a phantom is never found nowhere and multiplies by the application of Bush’s policies in violation of international law and even the most elementary common sense. Among those who are offended and menaced we also think in the American people being ransomed even its right to decide through the vote who rules their lives, being lied about the WMD -supposedly the reason to attack Iraq, being deprived of its Constitutional rights by the so called Patriotic Act and also the young Americans dieing right now in Iraq and Afghanistan for the oil interests and dreams to dominate the world of a click of corporations. Not to mention the steady looses of jobs, the cut of budgets for schools, Medicare and Medicaid, a situation, indeed, which is being suffered likewise in the Third World, only that in even worst conditions of poverty, hunger and giving up by the states of their public duties, according to the neoliberal policies. We couldn’t gather in Mexico all the people we have wished because the shortage of funds we were able to get in only three months. Neither could we wait any more because of the dangers the international situation and current world order is posing to the very existence of the human species. It was only a starting point of many other actions to be taken and statements to be written that will improve ours for sure. Nevertheless we were joined by several remarkable intellectuals from Latin America, the USA and Europe as well as social leaders as Evo Morales, from Bolivia and Luis D´Elía, the most important leader of piqueteros from Argentina. We also listen to a message specially written to the Conference by subcomandante Marcos, from Chiapa´s EZLN. You may listen to it in Spanish as well as the main presentations to the Conference if you enter our website(see address below). Our proposal is to organize by regions, countries -and worldwide- a net of nets among intellectuals, artists, professors, communicators and social activists with our aim in supporting the social movements in putting and end to this unfair and messy world order and rethinking it as it is now to shape a new one as one of solidarity, peace, real democracy and fraternity among human beings. If you wish to know more about our idea, please, read carefully the following Declaration and if you agree with its principles and Strategies of action to be taken in the near future by you and many others like you, send an e-mail with your signature to [log in to unmask] or either enter the webpage www.defensahumanidad.org where you will find more info. Regrettably, most of it is in Spanish as far as we haven’t yet been able to translate it into English, as is our purpose to be accomplished within two or three weeks. Your signature really counts. We are aware a radical change like the one we are proposing may not be accomplished without the solidarity and active participation of the American people. Sincerely, Angel Guerra, on behalf of my colleagues. Note: after the original list of signatories (below the text) was issued, other people -among 500- have added their signatures, as Howard Zinn, Samir Amin, Lawrence Ferlinghetti, Martha Harnecker, Saul Landau and James Petras.   Final Declaration of the International Conference   IN DEFENSE OF HUMANITY   We, intellectuals from the sectors of academia, the media, culture, and social movements in diverse regions of the world, participants in the international conference In Defense of Humanity, have gathered in Mexico City to reflect on the extremely grave situation facing the world today. We are aware of our responsibility, and have therefore adopted the following:   Declaration   The human race has reached a critical point rife with serious dangers. A new age of barbarism looms before us. It is not merely that a minority has accumulated an enormous proportion of the world’s wealth, while the impoverished masses are barely able to survive. Moreover, the hegemonic system functions like an apparatus of social exclusion.   An ever growing number of human beings have been declared dispensable within this currently spreading model, while the prevailing philosophy is that state bodies should ignore the fate of those excluded by globalization.   If the fate of those excluded is of little concern, even less important are their values and cultures, their identities and communities, unless they are reduced to market imperatives. Under this exclusionary model, distinctive human communities or ways of life are destined for extinction. Suffering with them are millions of overexploited workers, subjected to the injustices of the capitalist system and the constant erosion of their rights.   The environment, biodiversity and ecosystems that have coexisted with the human race for millennia are being transformed into commodities of trade and accumulation, at the service of private interests. Water and other resources essential for human life are the prey of these same interests. Consumerism and squandering of resources are the norms promoted by neoliberal capitalism.   The human race is confronting dangers that directly attack its social, cultural and environmental foundations. These threats do not emanate from natural forces, but rather from the economic and political powers that negate the highest values formed throughout human history and exalt greed and selfishness.   Diversity is inherent to human society and has survived all attempts at homogenization. Nevertheless, the goal of imposing sociocultural uniformity serves the goal of domination. Human plurality can become a source of conflicts, confrontations between peoples, fundamentalisms and ethnic hatreds. In line with exclusionary globalization, the so-called laws of the market require an undifferentiated and uniform human race. But despite the effort to convert human society into a homogenous whole, the linguistic and cultural differences and diversity among peoples and nations continue to flourish. In fact, contrary to the hopes of the ideologues of globalization, and despite the neoliberal siege, we are witnessing a rebirth of ethnic and nationalist struggles throughout the world, with new and promising horizons of liberation, alongside the social struggles underway.   The centers of power strive to impose their own sociocultural model on all of humanity, under the premise that it constitutes the only true path to a full life. We oppose this tendency and assert that the world’s diversity is of value in itself and part of the shared wealth of humankind.   At the dawn of the 21st century, imperialism – with its different expressions, alliances and internal contradictions – has become a political and military mega power in which national states have relinquished their public responsibilities.   The “sovereign equality” of the members of the United Nations, as established in the first article of the 1945 founding charter, has been placed in question. More than a half century after the end of World War II, this organization is violating its own legal framework: “to suppress acts of aggression or other breakings of the peace” (Art. 1); the “peaceful settlement of conflicts” (Art. 3); the rejection of “the use of force against territorial integrity” (Art. 4); “non-intervention in the internal affairs of States” (Art. 7); and other resolutions that assert the “inalienable right of peoples to the integrity of their territorial rights” (1960).   In this regard, the validation of the military attack and occupation of Iraq by the United States (through UN Security Council resolution 1511) casts doubt on the hopes for peace that the world’s nations had placed in the United Nations.   The ideological messianism that characterizes the political team in charge of the White House today represents a grave threat to world peace. The U.S. government freely attacks and harasses any nation that refuses to bow down to its imperial policy, while the world is facing the threat of endless military confrontations as a result of its doctrine of “preemptive” strikes.   For the U.S. government, the only valid “international law” is the law dictated by its own Congress and executive power. Any other interpretation runs the risk of being linked to “terrorism”. Nevertheless, the UN itself, in its own documents, differentiates between terrorism and national resistance against foreign occupation and the right to rebel against the same, rights that are also established in many of the world’s constitutions.   Thus, those responsible for the most heinous of state terrorism in history label the patriots who fight for the freedom of their peoples as “terrorists”. Covert actions, the use of mercenaries, the violation of human rights, the application of extraterritoriality to prisoners of war, and the incitement of assassination of heads of state, as in the case of Israel and Palestinian leaders, make up the current political scenario.   In 1989, the imperialist powers claimed that with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the world would enter into an era of understanding and prosperity. Nevertheless, other walls impede this goal: walls on the border between Mexico and the United States and around the occupied Palestinian territories; legal and racial walls in the legislations of the countries of the European Union, which establish degrading treatment of immigrants from poor countries; economic walls of protectionism that block access to the “free market” preached by neoliberalism; walls that violate the rights of women and children; walls of intolerance of the sexual orientation, the tastes, habits and ways of life of different human beings; political-economic walls that marginalize the African continent.   In Latin America, the United States continues to harass Cuba, with the threat of a direct military intervention against a revolution that has survived 45 years of countless destabilization campaigns, aggressions and an economic blockade, thanks to the support of the people and the determination to build another kind of society. We must therefore strengthen solidarity and forge closer ties with the besieged island, and oppose all aggressive actions on the part of the U.S. government.   “America for the Americans” (of the United States) is once again the banner held aloft by the hawks ruling in Washington. Through the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), whose first chapters have been the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Puebla-Panama Plan, imperialism aspires to impose its own “laws” of the market. The discourse that preaches “spreading democracy and freedom” has its counterpart in the growing militarization of Latin America. It has been demonstrated time and time again that democracy has an instrumental value for imperialism: it supports the formal aspects of democracy when it suits its interests, but conspires against it if popular forces reach power through democratic means. This concept becomes null and void when it is used by leaders allied with neoliberalism as carte blanche to hand over resources to transnational capital.   This is illustrated by the fact that within the framework of “Plan Colombia”, and under the pretext of fighting “narcoterrorism”, the Pentagon has installed a large military base in the port of Manta, Ecuador, facilitating interventionist missions in all of the countries of the Andean subregion. Likewise, the governments of the Southern Cone have found themselves obliged to carry out frequent joint military maneuvers with the United States, under the presupposition that there could be Islamic terrorist groups based on the “triple border” (dividing Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay).   Neoliberalism stigmatizes social conflict and strives to dismantle community action. It suppresses political awareness, foments cultural alienation, responds to poverty with philanthropy, and crushes popular discontent through police or military repression.   In opposition to these policies, a whole new generation of socially committed intellectuals and activists is rising up around the world, fighting back against the machinations of corrupt professional politicians.   Pushed to the breaking point of indignity and armed with the invincible weapons of awareness and organizational capacity, the Bolivian people rose up in defense of their natural resources and ousted a government totally subordinated to the United States.   The popular rebellion in Bolivia coincides with the civil and political resistance in Haiti against the authoritarian power of Jean Bertrand Aristide; with the resistance in Puerto Rico demanding the withdrawal of the U.S. naval base in Vieques; with the resistance in Argentina, where the unemployed are protesting and blocking traffic; with the resistance of the indigenous people of Ecuador, who are rising up against racism and discrimination; with the resistance in Brazil, where the demands of the landless peasants continue to go unmet; with the resistance in Mexico of those who are defending their strategic resources from the voracious greed of the transnationals, and the Zapatistas expanding their struggle for autonomy; with the resistance in Venezuela of the activists fighting to defend the Bolivarian revolution; and finally, with the resistance in Chile, where the young are fighting back against a sophisticated model of social exclusion.   Today, the imperial forces are seeking to combine, through more refined methods, the ruthless use of military power with control of the hearts and minds of the people. They purport that the world of neoliberal globalization is the only one possible, that there are no viable alternatives, and that the only possible attitude towards life is that of conformity and resignation. Supposedly, the neoliberal regime is not the creation and practice of national and international interest groups, but rather the natural result of the development of things. In accordance with this philosophy, any change in this way of organizing the world would simply worsen the situation. There is a single economic and political line of thought that all governments must implement, they say.   A trend that is leading inexorably towards the further entrenchment of this philosophy is the conversion of public universities into instruments of the neoliberal economic, political and cultural project. This trend results from the current logic of the neoliberal process of accumulation, leading to the privatization and “elitization” of education and the gradual suppression of the humanistic branches that foster critical thinking and “subversion”.   Imperialism is using religious beliefs to legitimize its neocolonial military expansion, co-opting the leaderships of majority religions, stripping them of their role as voices for protest and social commitment.   This military and ideological combination must be exposed in all of its manifestations, with all of its destructive and dehumanizing power, and subjected to rigorous and forceful criticism. Here the role of intellectuals is more vital than ever. To achieve this, we must strengthen or revive, depending upon the specific case, the critical role of all intellectuals in defense of humanity. The battle against the current system must also be fought on the intellectual, cultural and moral fronts. The fruit of intellectual labor is knowledge, but its strength lies in its critical and demystifying powers. Social thought, and the social sciences in particular, find their true meaning when they reveal the deceptions and real interests that underlie certain ideologies, and uphold their commitment to the truth and the interests of society.   We are fully aware that over the recent years, under the influence of neoliberal thinking, some intellectuals have forgotten their critical capacity, and at times have even jumped on the bandwagon of a single way of thinking. What is more, in our countries we have a supposed left that upon assuming power adopts the same precepts and implements the same neoliberal formulas.   In this current phase, we value intellectual labor that is based on rigorous procedures and at the same time is sensitive to the injustice of the world we are living in; that learns from the sectors in all regions, nations and continents that are rising up against the established order. We are referring to those intellectuals, formed within the walls of academia or in the heart of social movements, who are fighting on so many fronts against war and against an economy in which the benefits are monopolized and exploitation and exclusion grow ever greater; intellectuals who struggle for peace and comprehensive human rights (individual, collective, civil and political, but also social and cultural), who defend the free determination of the peoples, the right to autonomy of indigenous peoples throughout the world, and the equality of all languages; intellectuals committed to economic and gender equality, and to the belief that dignity, freedom and respect for the cultural wealth of all humankind must prevail over capital.   Based on this political declaration we adopt the following:   Strategies in Defense of Humanity   To establish an international coordinating committee made up of the organizing committee of this conference and any national and international guests who wish to join in this effort.   To create support committees in unity with the social movements that work in defense of humanity in the countries, regions and cities linked to this coordinating committee, which would have full autonomy to implement their own initiatives and forms of organization.   To establish a network in defense of humanity that will be linked with other existing networks and initiatives. This network would be aimed at coordinating the efforts of intellectuals working in academia, scientific and humanities research centers, universities and other educational institutions, as well as those who work in the media and culture, and those who form part of social movements and civil society organizations.   To establish a committee that covers a wide spectrum of themes and countries and that could respond immediately to any emergency situation that calls for a position from our network and the necessary mobilizations.   The specific objectives of our network would be: a) to analyze the reality in order to contribute and disseminate knowledge, exposing that which is not immediately obvious; b) to delegitimize the dominant system, through critical analysis of the single way of thinking; c) to propose alternatives based on the actions of the social movements and processes of our peoples and the analysis of their experiences in resistance and innovation; d) to identify the common denominator of resistance struggles in order to link local actions with the global struggle; e) to promote resistance to the dominant power though the use of alternative power, the creation of intercultural networks and the dissemination of the many and diverse voices of humanity.   To examine and when necessary promote the reformulation of programs of research, teaching, communication and dissemination in order to reveal the causes and effects of imperialist action among our peoples and to stress the true and historically valid meanings of democracy, liberation and socialism, taking into account the diversity of thought. We should concentrate on the following priority areas: a) the new forms of imperialist militarization; b) in addition to the deregulation of work and precarious work, new frontiers of accumulation (peasant agriculture, biodiversity and water, public services and culture); c) disseminating, promoting and supporting the exercise of autonomy by indigenous peoples and of the basic rights of peasant organizations, in order to establish and enforce, from the bottom up, the autonomous powers of communities, resistance movements and alternatives. The website will publish the texts of members of the network and other authors on these priority areas.   To undertake an inventory of the network’s intellectual resources, in order to effectively take advantage of the specialties and fields of each of its members and make these available to social movements.   To support existing initiatives, such as the Permanent Tribunal of the Peoples, contributing legal and historical arguments for the prosecution in cases of genocide, ethnocide and crimes against humanity. We also support the World Social Forum, the regional social forums, and the World Alternatives Forum, as well as the anti-war networks, the Jakarta Consensus and other networks against neoliberal globalization.   To undertake an inventory in order to disseminate and take advantage of the existence of more than 200 alternative publications and the community radio network, electronic publications and e-mail lists, based on the belief that the battle lost by the mass media is that of credibility.   To propose the creation of an international university whose goal will be to bring together humanists, scientists and artists from around the world, to dedicate their knowledge specifically to education, research and cultural dissemination, with the aim of achieving peace and a more free and just world. This university will bring together all intellectuals who pursue these objectives from democratic and socialist anti-imperialist perspectives. It will strive to establish communities of dialogue, with the participation of intellectuals of so-called high culture and intellectuals organically linked to the social movements of our time. It will be organized in the form of a network with autonomous campuses, whose members will cooperate on both a personal and long-distance basis in common projects.   At the current juncture, to condemn United Nations Security Council resolution 1511 on Iraq, in view of the fact that it violates that founding charter of this organization.   To support the worldwide resistance and massive demonstrations against the war in Iraq on February 15, 2003.   To join in the summit proposed by Evo Morales, understood as a meeting of leaders and social movements that struggle in defense of humanity.   Mexico City, on the 200th anniversary of the Independence of Haiti.   Original signatories   Adoum Jorge Enrique   Albertani Claudio   Altesor Ivan   Alvarez Federico   Álvarez Miguel   Alzaga Luciano   Arguedas Sol   Bañuelos Juan   Barnet Miguel   Belafonte Harry   Borón Atilio   Bowman Elizabeth   Brenner Philip   Brom Juan   Campione Daniel   Cardenal Ernesto   Castellanos Alicia   Cerutti Horacio   Ceseña Ana Esther   Cockcroft James   Colchero Ana   Concha Miguel   Cueva Héctor de la   D’Elia Luis   Diaz-Polanco Hector   Dieterich Heinz   Dos Santos Theotonio   Drucker René   Dunbar-Ortiz Roxanne   Fazio Carlos   Fernández Paulina   Ferrer Miguel Ángel   Flores Olea Victor   Fuente Gerardo de la   Gabriel Leo   Gallardo Francisco   Gerassi John   Gilly Adolfo   Gómez Alberto   Gómez Haro Claudia   Gonzalez Casanova Pablo   Gonzalez Oscar   Guerra Ángel   Houtard Francoise   Ibarra de Piedra Rosario   Katsantonis Adamos   Labastida Horacio   Leal Eusebio   López Nayar   López Ali   Lopez y Rivas Gilberto   Mariñez Pablo   Martinez Daniel   Martínez Heredia Fernando   Melgar Ricardo   Montedónico Rubén   Morales Evo   Morales Pérez Salvador   Muriente Julio   Olivé León   Ordorika Imanol   Ortega Manuel   Otero Lisandro   Peredo Osvaldo "Chato"   Pérez Rocha Manuel   Pierre-Charles Gerard   Rajo Alfredo   Regino Adelfo   Rodriguez Lascano Sergio   Roitman Marcos   Sala Lucia   Salinas Darío   San Giácomo Osvaldo   Sánchez Consuelo   Sanchez Vazquez Adolfo   Santana Adalberto   Sastre Alfonso   Serrano Pascual   Solís Morales Edgar   Sosa Raquel   Steinsleger Jose   Stolowicz Beatriz   Stone Robert   Turner Jorge   Valdés Nelson   Vargas Lozano Gabriel   Velázquez Marco   Villoro Luis   Wald Karen

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