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SCIENCE-FOR-THE-PEOPLE  November 2003

SCIENCE-FOR-THE-PEOPLE November 2003

Subject:

[sftp] The Dean Deception (fwd)

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"Aaron S. Hawley" <[log in to unmask]>

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Science for the People Discussion List <[log in to unmask]>

Date:

Wed, 5 Nov 2003 11:11:21 -0500

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International Socialist Review Issue 32, November--December 2003

The Dean Deception
http://www.isreview.org/issues/32/dean.shtml
By KEITH ROSENTHAL

We must face the appalling fact that we have been betrayed by both the
Democratic and Republican Parties. --Martin Luther King, Jr., in Facing
the Challenge of a New Age, 1957

WITH more than a year remaining before the presidential election of 2004,
the former Vermont governor, Howard Dean, has stolen national attention
for his criticisms of the recent unilateral war on Iraq by confidently
arguing on the campaign trail: "We're gonna' beat George Bush!"

He has called for universal health care, environmental protection, the
shredding of the "Bush Doctrine" of preemptive attack, a reversal of the
tax cuts and has even called out the leadership of the Democratic Party
for cowering before Bush's right-wing onslaught.

But Dean has done much more than simply grab the attention of the
national media. He also has many antiwar activists, progressives and
former Ralph Nader voters excited about his campaign. Gary Younge
described Dean in the Guardian (UK) as "the great red hope."1 In the
Nation, Katha Pollit recently wrote, "My fingers itch to write Dean
another check." She continued, "Howard Dean is Ralph Nader's gift to the
Democratic Party."2

An even broader number of people on the American left--those who are
weary of some of Dean's proclamations in favor of Israel's targeted
assassinations of Palestinians, the occupation of Iraq, welfare reform
and the death penalty (to name a few)--have simply concluded that Dean
has the best chance to win the election.

Others have been driven so far by their hatred of Bush that they are
launching preemptive strikes against any third-party candidacy. "A third
party presidential challenge from the left would be reactionary and
traitorous in the 2004 election," wrote Vermont liberal Marty Jezer.3

It is easy to understand why progressives want to eliminate George W.
Bush after three years of attacks that included a war on Afghanistan and
Iraq, massive tax cuts for the rich, racist scapegoating of
Arab-Americans, the invocation of Taft-Hartley against West Coast
dockworkers and billions of dollars poured into the colonial occupations
of Afghanistan and Iraq while the number of people in poverty in America
has steadily risen. For many, "Anybody but Bush" appears to be the only
alternative.

With Howard Dean currently leading in the polls in the key election
primary states of Iowa and New Hampshire, the choice for voters in 2004
could very well be between the man from Vermont and the man from Texas.
The question is: Does Dean deserve your vote and your hope? His record as
governor of Vermont holds some clues.

"The pain for Vermonters will be real"

Though he has been dubbed a "raging liberal" by admirers and critics
alike, Howard Dean governed Vermont strictly within the framework of the
conservative Democratic Leadership Council.

Many people on the Vermont left see Dean's current posture as
politically motivated. "The notion that he is a liberal is ludicrous to
those of us who worked with him in Vermont," said Terrill Bouricius, a
former state representative.4 Dean admits that he recognized early on
that the popular anger at Bush is "a raw energy, an energy that I know
could be channeled."5

Back in February 2003, Dean candidly admitted to Salon magazine that if
he were to win the nomination of his party he would "probably dispense
with some of the more rhetorical flourishes. One time I said the Supreme
Court is so far right you couldn't see it anymore. Next summer I won't
be talking like that. It's true and I'm not ashamed to have said it,
but it doesn't sound very presidential."6

But such political maneuvering is nothing new for Dean. Upon becoming
governor of Vermont in 1991, after the sudden death of then-Republican
Governor Richard Snelling, Dean made a sharp turn to the right and
pursued that course ever since. In his 11 years as governor, Dean would
shift rightward on one position after another, all the while claiming to
be concerned for the needy and less-fortunate, and disappointing all who
thought they were getting someone who would govern from the liberal end
of the political spectrum.

Dean inherited a massive deficit in the state budget from Snelling.
Refusing to raise taxes on wealthier Vermonters (and rendering the tax
system more regressive than previously), Dean declared in his first State
of the State address that it would be his mission to balance the state
budget with some "tough" cuts. Even though Vermont has no law requiring a
balanced budget, Dean promised, "The pain for Vermonters will be real."7

Dean slashed millions of dollars from all sorts of social programs, from
prescription drug benefits for Medicare recipients and heating assistance
for poorer Vermonters to housing assistance funds. In defending his cuts
to social programs, Dean said, "I don't think I have to shy away from
that just because I'm supposed to be a liberal Democrat."8

Throughout the 1990s, Dean's cuts in state aid to education ($6
million), retirement funds for teachers and state employees ($7 million),
health care ($4 million), welfare programs earmarked for the aged, blind
and disabled ($2 million), Medicaid benefits ($1.2 million) and more,
amounted to roughly $30 million. Dean claimed that the cuts were
necessary because the state had no money and was burdened by a $60
million deficit.9

But during the same period, Dean found $7 million for a low-interest loan
program for businesses, $30 million for a new prison in Springfield, VT,
and he cut the income tax by 8 percent (equivalent to $30 million)--a
move many in the legislature balked at because they didn't feel
comfortable "cutting taxes in a way that benefits the wealthiest
taxpayers."10 By 2002, state investments in prisons increased by nearly
150 percent while investments in state colleges increased by only 7
percent.11

Indeed, Dean's mix of "fiscal conservatism and social liberalism" seems
to be not much different than Bush's so-called compassionate
conservatism, and certainly paralleled Clinton's signature combination
of liberal "I-feel-your-pain" rhetoric with neoliberal policies.

"Move the retirement age to 70"

Politically, Dean moved into the outstretched arms of the Republicans and
the business community of Vermont. As Elizabeth Ready, Vermont state
auditor and former legislator during the Dean administration said, "His
top advisers were all money people, brokers and bankers."12 When Dean
boasts on the campaign trail that liberals "hated him" for his "fiscal
conservatism," he is not lying.

People on the left who think they will get a friend in the White House if
Dean were to be president are sorely mistaken. As Sam Hemingway of the
Burlington Free Press recounts, "At times he loved to pick on the extreme
liberals in the state sort of as a foil, to build allegiances as a
moderate and to pull in Republican supporters. He knew they'd have
nowhere else to go."13

Dean red-baited and smeared even those in his own party who would
criticize him for his conservative policies. In 1992, when assailed by
Democrats for jettisoning his support for single-payer health care, Dean
responded: "The progressive wing [of the party] needs to take a look at
what works and to discard ideas that in many cases have been discarded by
history, including the history of what happened in Eastern Europe."14

Most of the Democrats in the legislature rebelled against Dean over the
budget cuts, and he ended up depending on Republican votes to pass most
of his proposals. At the time, a local Vermont newspaper wrote, "The
biggest items on Dean's agenda for next year are likely to provoke more
opposition from the Democrats than the Republicans. Nevertheless, Dean
said he feels no particular pressure to deliver the goods to his party or
to promote the Democratic agenda."15

In the mid-1990s, Dean even aligned himself with the likes of Republican
Newt Gingrich on his stance on cutting Medicare. He opined at the time,
"The way to balance the [federal] budget is for Congress to cut Social
Security, move the retirement age to 70, cut defense, Medicare and
veterans pensions, while the states cut everything else."16

On two separate occasions, once in 1993 and again in 1995, hundreds of
welfare recipients, and elderly, impoverished, disabled and progressive
Vermonters poured in to the capital, Montpelier, from all over the state
to protest Dean's cuts, comparing him to Newt Gingrich. In 1995, the
protesters carried a banner reading: "Dean/Newt Robbing Poor Kids to
Spare the Rich."

The Rutland Herald described how one protestor, Henrietta Jordan of the
Vermont Center for Independent Living, "said it would be much fairer to
raise taxes on people with expensive homes and cars, children in private
school and a housekeeper at home than to cut programs that helped the
66,000 Vermonters living with disabilities."17 Dean responded callously,
brushing off the pleas of Vermont's most vulnerable by saying, "This
seems like sort of the last gasp of the left here."18

Dean went above and beyond a "fiscally conservative" agenda when it came
to welfare reform. He proudly boasts on his Web site that Vermont was the
first state to implement a workfare program, which includes mandatory
work requirements for welfare recipients. Dean complained at the time
that people on welfare "don't have any self-esteem. If they did they'd
be working."19 After the first three years of Dr. Dean's treatment,
demand for food stamps and emergency food aid in the state reached record
levels.20

Moreover, Dean was the most devout business advocate in Montpelier,
always supporting corporate interests regardless of the cost to workers
or the environment. For IBM, the state's biggest employer, Dean bent
over backwards. The manager of government relations at the Essex plant
commented how "[Dean's] secretary of commerce would call me once a week
just to see how things were going."21

IBM in Vermont is notorious for slimming a workforce that has been trying
to unionize with the Communication Workers of America for some time.
Nonetheless, IBM never got anything but "kid-gloves treatment" from
Dean.22 IBM also happens to be one of the state's biggest polluters, but
receives consistent environmental praise from Dean.

Few people in the labor movement in Vermont would be willing to
characterize him as a friend of labor. The Vermont section of the
National Education Association (V-NEA) endorsed Dean only once in 11
years.

Dean did support the union drive of nurses at Fletcher Allen Hospital in
Burlington in 2002 (though, this was only after he had announced that he
would run for the presidency). But he is more memorable for his actions
during the 1998 strike of nurses at Copley Hospital in Morrisville, VT,
when he repeatedly refused to talk with the union, agreeing only to meet
with management.

When Dean was governor, he was a staunch supporter of NAFTA, the WTO, the
IMF and World Bank. While he is now distancing himself somewhat from
certain aspects of these institutions (most likely a calculated move to
win in the primaries), he still fundamentally supports their spirit--free
trade, open markets and the pursuit of profits. And he still maintains
that NAFTA was good for Vermont even though the state suffered 6,000
trade-related job losses in the 1990s.23

Dean openly admits that he was a conservative budget-cutter and that he
governed in Vermont as a "centrist." But there is much on the campaign
trail that he is simply not being honest about. For all his talk about
Bush lying to the American public, on issue after issue Dean seems to be
quite skilled at it himself. Below are some examples.

Health care

Dean claims to have a health plan that will guarantee insurance for all
Americans modeled on the system he set up in Vermont. In reality,
according to his own Web site, his plan would leave at least 10 million
Americans uninsured. And that is only if he actually implements his
plan--he is determined that "nothing will happen on health care...until he
works out a plan to balance the budget."24 If he does model the national
health care system on Vermont's system, it won't be pretty.

Vermont actually doesn't have universal health care. It is true that
almost all children under the age of 18 are covered, but U.S. Census
Bureau figures show that 10-12 percent of Vermonters remain uninsured.
This is only a little better than the national average of nearly 15
percent uninsured.

For those Vermonters who are insured under Dean's plan, their access is
extremely limited. Dean's plan requires families to pay monthly premiums
for government-subsidized health care. Because services are provided
through private insurers, however, premiums have been steadily increasing
while care has been steadily deteriorating. Over the past 10 years,
employee health insurance costs have increased by 400 percent.25

Dean has also cut basic services from the health plan such as X-rays,
dental services, physical therapy, psychological care and cheap
prescription drugs. As Dean explained to the Rutland Herald in 1991, one
of the main assets of his health care plan is that "it definitely keeps
people out of the emergency room."26 It seems his main concern was not so
much universal coverage as cost-cutting. In his first State of the State
address he moaned:

          We spend too much money in this country and in this state
          for unnecessary medical procedures. We must reduce the
          combined pressures of professional liability, consumer
          demand and reimbursement mechanisms which encourage
          providers to administer more care and to order more
          tests.27

In other words, health care under Dr. Dean means paying more for less.

Women's rights

Dean has positioned himself as a friend of the women's rights movement
because of his support for abortion--even late-term abortions. But
Dean's "fiscal conservatism" often got in the way of his "social
liberalism." When cutting the budget in the mid-1990s, Dean's axe
managed to find itself aimed at battered women's services.28 And his
welfare reform forced single mothers into mandatory jobs, hurting both
the mother and the child. Moreover, although Dean himself is pro-choice,
he has stated that he wouldn't accept Dennis Kucinich's challenge to
make Roe v. Wade a "litmus test" for appointing federal judges.29

Gay rights

While it is true that Dean signed a civil union bill into law while
governor of Vermont, it is not something for which he can claim any
credit. In 1999, the state Supreme Court unanimously ruled that gay
couples were due the same legal rights of marriage as heterosexuals, and
ordered the legislature to pass a law codifying that right. During his
1998 reelection campaign, Dean refused to talk about the issue publicly,
saying he was waiting for the Supreme Court's decision.

When the legislature began to formulate a bill, Dean made it clear that
he would not sign anything permitting gay marriage. The compromise was
the civil union legislation, which Dean signed "in the closet,"
privately, away from the cameras. At the time of signing, Dean "was going
around the state telling folks he was only doing it because the Vermont
Supreme Court made him."30

Dean says he will not push for national civil unions, but will let the
states themselves decide (in other words, he shares the same position as
many Republicans). This is like being opposed to Jim Crow laws but
willing to let the states decide whether or not to impose segregation.

Education

Dean has lambasted Bush's No Child Left Behind Act as a fraudulent
misnomer. But Dean is no champion of sweeping education guarantees. When
he was making his budget cuts, financial aid for higher education was
first on the chopping block. According to Ellen David Friedman, organizer
with the Vermont National Education Association, Dean was not necessarily
sympathetic to teachers. Friedman recalled in an interview with the ISR
how during contract negotiations, "Dean would make public statements
encouraging school boards to shift more of the cost of health care onto
teachers."31

While Vermont's school system is funded relatively equitably through a
general fund set up under the Act 60 legislation, this, like the civil
unions, has little to do with Dean's efforts. It too was born of a
Supreme Court ruling that had virtually no previous support from Howard
Dean.

According to information released by the Vermont State Colleges office,
during Dean's tenure, from 1991-2000, state funding per Vermont student
decreased by 13 percent.32

Environment

As president, Dean promises to "bring [his] commitment to our environment
to the White House."33 Many environmentalists in Vermont simply ask: What
commitment? Dean boasts that he preserved over 400,000 acres of forests
and farmlands while promoting renewable energy. But aside from those
400,000 acres, the rest of Vermont seemed to be fair game for
development.

"Dean's attempts to run for president as an environmentalist is nothing
but a fraud," said Annette Smith, director of Vermonters for a Clean
Environment. "He's destroyed the Agency of Natural Resources, he's
refused to meet with environmentalists while constantly meeting with the
development community, and he's made the permitting process one, big
dysfunctional joke."34 Tom Elliot, the former political director of the
Vermont Sierra Club said that "Howard Dean's environmental record in
Vermont is toxic."35 The club has never endorsed Howard Dean in his five
campaigns for governor.

Dean supported major mining operations by the Swiss-based company OMYA,
despite the protests of environmental grassroots organizations; he stood
by the massive pesticide use of Vermont's mega-farms; and he awarded
major energy contracts to two highly questionable endeavors: the Vermont
Yankee nuclear power plant and the Hydro-Quebec electric company, which
had been damming up and flooding the James Bay, threatening the
livelihoods of the indigenous Cree people who live there.

In 1998, Dean pushed for a natural gas plant and pipeline project that
would have required large-scale clear-cutting. It took a two-year fight
with a grassroots citizens' group to force Dean to back off. During that
same year, Dean had struck a deal with George Bush, then-governor of
Texas, to ship Vermont's nuclear waste to a poor, mostly Hispanic
community in Sierra Blanca.36

Dean's administration did adopt strict air pollution guidelines, but
according to Marilyn Miller, the executive director of the Vermont Auto
Dealers Association, the rules were never actually enforced.37 At one
point, the Dean administration even petitioned the U.S. Environmental
Protection Agency to increase the amount of air pollution that can be
released by Vermont industry.38

Mark Sinclair, director of the Vermont office of the Conservation Law
Foundation, noted, "the governor's willing to be an environmentalist
only when he thinks it's politically important for his re-election
campaign."39

Civil rights

Howard Dean criticizes Attorney General John Ashcroft's shredding of the
Constitution with his USA Patriot Act and has even compared Ashcroft to
the notorious Joseph McCarthy. But Dean's record and stances on the
justice system and civil rights are not very good.

Shortly after September 11, Dean said that the U.S. "needs a reevaluation
of the importance of some of our specific civil liberties."40 He
currently does not oppose the Patriot Act, but says he only opposes the
expansion of the Patriot Act and certain specific items in it. Dean also
wants to repeal a portion of the Bush tax cuts in order to increase
spending on homeland security.

Howard Dean thinks that the justice system is flawed, but not because it
is racist or targets the poor. He says it doesn't work because "it bends
over backwards to help defendants and is totally unfair to victims."41 In
1994, Dean stated, "I am one of those people who believe that 95 percent
of the time that police arrest somebody they are guilty." He went on to
say that "the criminal justice system should deal more rapidly with
people who are arrested, and convicted criminals should only be given one
chance before being incarcerated for life." Dean has also said that it is
acceptable for police to lie to the public during the course of their
investigations.42

In 1997, Dean changed his stance on the death penalty and declared that
he now favored capital punishment. His reasoning was that, "Until life
without parole means life without parole, the public is not safe without
a death penalty. Until we have a judicial system that can adequately
protect us, the only thing that will is the death penalty."43

In keeping with Dean's position that the legal system is unfairly
weighted in favor of defendants, during his tenure he made major cuts to
the Vermont Legal Aid budget and even refused to accept a federal grant
offered by then-U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno to assist defendants in
Vermont who have mental disabilities.44

Dean also had a penchant for favoring judges who had little respect for
the technicalities of civil liberties. Several of his judicial
appointments are now awaiting hearings before the U.S. Second Circuit
Court in New York City for violating the first amendment, right to
counsel, double jeopardy and due process.45

By the time Dean had left office in 2000, Vermont had experienced its
fastest rising rate of youth incarceration, and according to the Drug
Enforcement Agency, the imprisonment of women had increased by over 140
percent.46

Although Dean proclaims on the campaign trail that he is very sensitive
to racial issues because he lived in a Yale dorm with two
African-American roommates, his stance on racism and discrimination in
Vermont was, at best, negligent. In 1999, the Vermont Advisory Committee
to the United States Commission on Civil Rights released a report
concerning racial harassment in Vermont public schools in which it
described widespread acts of racist violence, including instances of a
13-year-old African-American boy being "beaten with a baseball bat," and
parents testifying that, in Vermont (one of the whitest states in the
country), "Racism is not a problem or an issue; it's a way of life."47
The report ruled that:

          Racial harassment appears pervasive in and around the
          state's public schools. The elimination of this
          harassment is not a priority among school administrators,
          school boards, elected officials and state agencies
          charged with civil rights enforcement. In some instances,
          administrators and government leaders have denied the
          existence of the problem and do not acknowledge the need
          for improvements in overall race relations within the
          state.48

Dean didn't follow through with any of the recommendations advised in
the report, and instead offered the tepid solution in his next State of
the State speech--Vermonters simply need to listen to each other more.

War and occupation

Perhaps the deception runs deepest concerning Dean's stance on the war
on Iraq and the current occupation. The evolution of Dean's position
over the past year reveals a foreign policy conceptualization that is not
fundamentally different from Bush's, though there are some tactical
disagreements.

Dean is by no means a "dove." He supported the war on Afghanistan and the
first Gulf War in 1991. On February 21, at the winter meeting of the
Democratic National Committee, Dean drew headlines by asking, "What I
want to know is why in the world the Democratic Party leadership is
supporting the president's unilateral attack on Iraq."49 But just four
days prior to this condemnation, Dean sang a different tune at a Drake
University speech:

          Now, I am not among those who say that America should
          never use its armed forces unilaterally. In some
          circumstances, we have no choice. In Iraq, I would be
          prepared to go ahead without further [UN] Security
          Council backing if it were clear the threat posed to us
          by Saddam Hussein was imminent, and could neither be
          contained nor deterred [author's italics].50

In the end, Dean's main criticism of the war was that the U.S. did not
work hard enough to get the other major allies on board--but he never
disagreed with the general premises of the "regime change" dogma.
Presumably, Dean would have fully supported a UN or NATO-backed war on
Iraq.

And he is as hawkish as Bush about the occupation. He wants to send
30,000-40,000 more troops to Afghanistan and 50,000 troops--albeit
foreign troops--to Iraq. Defending a long-term occupation under U.S.
control, Dean warned in the Washington Post,

bringing democracy to Iraq is not a two-year proposition. Having
elections alone doesn't guarantee democracy. You've got to have
institutions and the rule of law, and in a country that hasn't had that
in 3,000 years, it's unlikely to suddenly develop by having elections
and getting the heck out.... [the constitution] would be American with
Iraqi, Arab characteristics. Iraqis have to play a major role in drafting
this, but the Americans have to have the final say.51

Beyond Iraq, Dean's perspective on the Middle East is outright
belligerent. Dean supports Israel's policy of targeted assassinations of
Palestinians, and supports the current construction of the apartheid wall
that will separate Israel from Gaza and the West Bank. At times he claims
we need an "even-handed" approach to the conflict, and at others declares
that there will be no negotiations until Palestinians stop the terrorist
attacks. He has never uttered a critical word in public against Israel's
attacks on the Palestinians.52

Dean has also shown himself to be a staunch supporter of Bush's "war on
terror," leveled strong criticism at Bush for failing to confront other
Middle Eastern nations that he says support terrorism around the world:
"We must have a president who is willing to confront the Iranians, the
Syrians, the Saudis and others who send money to Hamas, and finance a
worldwide network of fundamentalist schools which teach small children to
hate Americans, Christians and Jews."53

Towards an alternative

In 2000, Anthony Pollina ran on the Progressive Party ticket against Dean
in the gubernatorial race getting close to 10 percent of the
vote--clearly tapping into a broader feeling among ordinary people that
there was a need for a real alternative to the twin parties of the status
quo. Far from being the lesser-evil in Vermont, Dean was the evil that
many working and poor people in Vermont felt very tangibly. Illusions in
Dean and the Democrats as a lesser-evil to the Republicans only served to
mute the necessary struggles that were needed to fight against his
right-wing policies.

In the end, that's what the debate between the Democrats and Republicans
comes down to. We automatically lose every time if we accept a framework
for this debate that says we must, to be "realistic," always vote for the
lesser of two evils-- the least awful of two pro-business candidates.

Thinking that the Democrats are any better for us than the Republicans is
like thinking that the bully who pushes you down and steals your money is
worse than his friend who helps you up but shares in the bully's spoils.

What happens if Dean gets elected, puts all of his electoral rhetoric
aside and pours more money into fighting terrorism, takes his axe to
American social programs and dispatches more troops to Iraq? Will the
left stand by its "antiwar" candidate and refrain from fighting against
cuts at home and war abroad because "at least he's better than Bush?"

That Dean will prove to be a conservative in office of is frankly
admitted by BusinessWeek, which assessed Dean's politics this way:

Dean had a knack for positioning himself and never lost an election.
Those who know him best believe Dean is moving to the left to boost his
chances of winning the nomination. "But if he gets the nomination, he'll
run back to the center and be more mainstream," predicts [Vermont
Repubican businessman Bill] Stenger. Says Garrison Nelson, a political
science professor at the University of Vermont: "Howard is not a liberal.
He's a pro-business, Rockefeller Republican."54

If Business Week can see Dean clearly, so should we.

Real change in America has always come when masses of people take to the
streets on their own initiative--the civil rights movement, the women's
liberation movement, the labor movement, the Vietnam antiwar movement.
The problem so far is that these kinds of movements have never coalesced
into a lasting political party that could offer an alternative to the
twin parties of American capitalism. Rather than argue for a vote for
someone who is sure to repay our support by cutting our living standards
and promoting American power abroad, progressives and socialists would do
better to argue for a break from the Democrats, focus on building the
struggles that make all real progress possible--and create the political
alternative that can embody them.

The sooner we break our illusions in the Democrats the better. If Dean is
attempting to transfer his policies from Vermont to the entire nation, I
would propose that the example of the Progressive Party be transferred
too.

Keith Rosenthal is an activist in Burlington, Vermont.

________________________________________________________________________________

1 Gary Younge, "Winners and losers," Guardian (UK), May 5, 2003.

2 Katha Pollit, "Selling Dean short," Nation, September 1, 2003.

3 Marty Jezer, "On Howard Dean," CommonDreams.org, April 24, 2003.

4 Sarah Schweitzer and Tatsha Robertson, "A meteoric rise in Vermont
politics," Boston Globe, September 22, 2003.

5 Laura Blumenfeld, "Empower Play: The pitch that works for Dean,"
Washington Post, October 1, 2003.

6 Jake Tapper, "On the campaign trail with the un-Bush," Salon, February
19, 2003.

7 "Challenge of tough times," Rutland Herald, January 8, 1992.

8 Jack Hoffman, "Dean: Time for 'serious cuts'," Rutland Herald,
December 29, 1991.

9 All figures come from a collection of articles in the Rutland Herald:
see Christopher Graff, "Governor set to cut spending," July 11, 1995.
Also see, Chris Graff, "Dean balancing act enters tough phase," December
17, 1995 and Diane Derby, "Hundreds protest governor's plan to cut
Medicaid," November 2, 1993.

10 See Jack Hoffman, "Budget boosts housing; VIDA funds," Rutland Herald,
September 9, 1992; Frederick Bever, "Dean wants larger cut in state tax,"
Rutland Herald, December 23, 1998; Jack Hoffman, "Dean outlines his case
for cutting income tax," Rutland Herald, January 9, 1999.

11 Interview with Anthony Pollina by Democracy In Action at the
Progressive Party offices in Montpelier, Vermont, July 9, 2002. Anthony
Pollina ran for governor against Dean on the Progressive Party ticket in
2000. Available at
www.gwu.edu/~action/2004/dean/dean0702/pollinaint.html.

12 Elizabeth Mehran and Mark Barabak, "State residents see a new Dean in
presidential race," Los Angeles Times, July 13, 2003.

13 Tapper, "On the campaign trail."

14 John Dillon, "Dean to feel pressure from left at convention," Rutland
Herald, May 10, 1992.

15 Hoffman, "Dean: Time for 'serious' cuts."

16 Miles Benson, "And politicians wonder why they aren't trusted,"
Newhouse News Service, March 5, 1995.

17 Bryan Pfeiffer, "Advocates deride Dean," Rutland Herald, July 11,
1995.

18 Ibid.

19 Diane Derby, "Dean sorry for remarks on welfare," Rutland Herald,
January 23, 1993.

20 Robert Piasecki, "Hunger: A growing problem," Rutland Herald, June 16,
1994.

21 "Who's the real Howard Dean," BusinessWeek, August 11, 2003, p. 58.

22 Ibid.

23 Economic Policy Institute, from U.S. Census, Bureau of Labor
Statistics data, available online at www.bls.gov.

24 "The cool passion of Dr. Dean," Time, August 11, 2003.

25 Tracy Schmaler, "Pollina criticizes Dean for a lack of college
funding," Rutland Herald, September 28, 2000.

26 "Dean outlines his strategy for providing health care," Rutland
Herald, February 19, 1991.

27 "Challenge of tough times."

28 See "Advocates deride Dean."

29 See "Democratic presidential candidates continue to reinforce
pro-abortion positions," National Right to Life News, June 2003.

30 Mark Steyn, "Democrats are turning to...this guy?" Chicago Sun Times,
July 6, 2003.

31 From an interview conducted by the author on October 4, 2003.

32 Schmaler, "Pollina criticizes Dean."

33 See www.deanforamerica.org.

34 Michael Colby, "The Man from Vermont is not Green (he's not even a
liberal)," available online at www.Counterpunch.org, February 22, 2003.

35 Lisa Wangsness, "Dean green on trail but Vermont knows better,"
Concord Monitor, August 22, 2003.

36 David Halbfinger, "National Briefing: Kerry attacks Dean for Bush
pact," New York Times, October 2, 2003.

37 Wangsness, "Dean green on trail."

38 John Dillon, "Dean and Pollina pitch 'green' records," Rutland
Herald, March 19, 2000.

39 Ibid.

40 David Gram, "Dean's comments on civil liberties cause alarm," Rutland
Herald, September 14, 2001.

41 Jack Hoffman, "Dean explains philosophy, plans," Rutland Herald,
August 21, 1991.

42 Wilson Ring, "Governor wants to get tougher with criminals,"
Associated Press, December 10, 1994.

43 Diane Derby, "Dean reignites talk of death penalty," Rutland Herald,
November 2, 1997.

44 Diane Derby, "Dean rejects federal grant," Rutland Herald, May 10,
1999.

45 Josh Frank, "Howard Dean's constitutional hang-up: Dean would rather
execute an innocent man, than let a guilty one walk free," available
online at www.Counterpunch.org, August 12, 2003.

46 Anthony Pollina, from an interview conducted by the author on October
6, 2003.

47 "Racial Harassment in Vermont Public Schools," Vermont Advisory
Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights, February 1999,
p. 1.

48 Ibid., p. iii.

49 Available at www.deanforamerica.org.

50 "Defending American values--protecting America's Interests," Drake
University, Iowa, February 17, 2003, available online at
www.deanforamerica.org.

51 Fred Hiatt, "Defining Dean," Washington Post, August 25, 2003.

52 See James D. Besser's interview with Howard Dean, Jewish Week,
October 8, 2003.

53 "Restoring American leadership: A new direction for American foreign
policy," speech before the Council on Foreign Relations, Washington,
D.C., June 25, 2003, available online at www.deanforamerica.org.

54 William C. Symonds, "Who's the real Howard Dean," BusinessWeek,
August 11, 2003, pp. 59.

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