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COMMUNET Home

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COMMUNET  April 1997, Week 1

COMMUNET April 1997, Week 1

Subject:

A Thankless Time to Be President of the United States

From:

[log in to unmask] (Curtiss Priest)

Date:

Fri, 4 Apr 1997 00:00:45 PST

Content-Type:

text/plain

Parts/Attachments:

Parts/Attachments

text/plain (276 lines)

Archive: A Thankless Time to Be President of the United States

NOTICE: Contains copyrighted material, do not redistribute unless you
abide to the copyright notice appearing at the end of this article

Observations by CITS, Dr. W. Curtiss Priest, Director:

"A Thankless Time to Be President of the United States"

I believe it was Arthur Schlesinger who commented in the early
'90's that regardless of who wins the election, he didn't
envy the person who got the post.

Albert Hunt, in a pre-release article (below) on Robert Reich's
_Locked in the Cabinet_ provides us with a short, but insightful
look into Washington politics at the highest level.

When I wrote _Risks, Concerns and Social Legislation_ (Westview
Press, 1988) I found a brilliant article by Reich in the _New
York Times_ entitled Looking Back at Regulation: Business is Asking
for Trouble Again (Nov. 22, 1981).  He saw past a single decade, and
described how American policy comes in about thirty year waves.
Even in 1981 he foresaw "Factory Closings" and "Corporate Takeovers"
as the social issues for the 90's and beyond (Priest, "Figure: The
Waves of Regulation," p. 6).

Reich is not only a man with heart, but one with perspective and
vision.  The title of his new book clearly speaks to his feelings
of being trapped in an adminstration drifting on the whims of
public sentiment.

"...but there is no strategic vision."  And that about sums up
the 1990's.  A country, caught in such massive debt that even
Republican control of the Congress cannot muster a "tax cut"
faces the tiger of NAFTA -- a creature borne out of the corporate
greed of Corporate America (see Batra, _The Myth of Free Trade_, 1993)

With low unemployment, low inflation, so what?  Unfortunately
we "purchased" this situation with not only massive federal debt but
massive consumer debt as well.  We stand at the brink of collapse
(see for example, _The Great Reckoning_ by Davidson and Rees-Moog,
and the recent report on family debt by the Federal Reserve Board
-- http://www.bog.frb.fed.us, "January Bulletin").

What should we do?  First, those of us who have not contributed
to the massive debt should bring a class action suit against
banks, credit institutions, and others who have enticed the
American public into "mortgaging the farm" to transfer credit card
debt to home equity loans.  According to the "Fed" the percentage
of family indebtedness has risen from 50% to 65% of total family
debt in mortgages in 6 short years.  And, yes, these very same lending
institutions will not hesitate to "take their collateral" -- these
houses across America, if the "music stops."  And the very same report
shows that while interest rates have declined significantly since
1989, the percentage of the "service cost" of the family debt has
remained constant -- indicating that families have (unfortunately)
taken on more, and more debt as the cost of money has declined.

Only by stopping indebtedness, and paying it off, will our country
recover.  Stop buying beyond your means!  Pay off your debts!  Every
day we borrow more (from mostly foreign lenders), the bigger the
eventual fall.


************************Advertisement****************************
Subscriptions to the Wall Street Journal can be
obtained by calling 1-800-JOURNAL or by mail at
Customer Relations Department
The Wall Street Journal
200 Burnett Road
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************************Advertisement****************************


The Wall Street Journal Thursday, April 3, 1997 Page A19

Politics and People by Albert R. Hunt

   President Bill Clinton is very well served by his adversaries; his allies,
however, are another matter.
   The president owes his re-election much less to Dick Morris or other
political hired guns than to Speaker Newt Gingrich, who--even more than
Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan--provided the president with the
perfect political environment. Four years earlier Mr. Clinton's ability
to
appear as a New Democrat was due much less to his pals at the centrist
Democratic Leadership Council than to his attacks on Sister Souljah and,
indirectly, Jesse Jackson.
   But when his guru, Mr. Morris, penned a book about the 1996 election
and
his White House experiences, a much different Mr. Clinton emerged. After
cutting through the perfunctory insistence that Mr. Clinton really has
beliefs, Mr. Morris depicts a president who never lets principle get in
the
way of expediency. Mr. Morris wrote a sleazy, self-serving book--so, some
Clinton defenders say, what did you expect?
   But an almost identical portrait emerges from a far more credible
book:
"Locked in the Cabinet" by Robert Reich, soon to be published by Knopf.
It's
based on careful diaries Mr. Reich kept during his four years as Mr.
Clinton's
labor secretary. Mr. Reich is almost everything Mr. Morris is not:
principled,
caring, fascinated with ideas and more than a tad naive. He also is an
old
friend of the president's; they first met almost 30 years ago when they
sailed
to Europe together as Rhodes scholars.
   The Bill Clinton in Mr. Reich's book possesses an incredibly
wide-ranging
and energetic mind; the author envies "his capacity for sheer, exuberant
joy."
His persuasive charm can be dazzling. But after more than 300 pages,
there is
absolutely no sense of what the most successful Democratic politician of
this
age really believes-- if anything.
   There are numerous insights in Mr. Reich's well-written account;
self-deprecating humor, especially about his 4-foot, 10inch frame, is
pervasive. More substantively, he captures the possibilities and perils
of
governance. We see Secretary Reich overruling bureaucrats who want to
make a
federal case of the Savannah Cardinals using a 14-year-old batboy after 7
p.m.
We also see the labor secretary trying to embarrass an Oklahoma City
plant for
safety violations by personally imposing a huge fine--only to see the
company
then close the plant to avoid federal meddling.
   Mr. Reich also dissects the Washington culture. Former Deputy Treasury
Secretary Roger Altman--thoroughly honest, bright and dedicated-is
victimized
as "innuendos have been piled atop innuendos," left twisting in the wind
by
his own administration and then "despicably" hounded out of office. Mr.
Reich
also captures the money-centered power of the business lobby, which far
eclipses labor's more oft-cited muscle.
   But the heart of Mr. Reich's book, and of Mr. Clinton's first term, is
the
battle for the president's mind and soul. The guts of this is the
economic
battle, with Mr. Reich representing the liberal side's belief that the
central
problem is wage stagnation and income disparity, necessitating federal
investments to increase the skills and education of middle-class and poor
workers. The other side's priority--argued by Treasury Secretaries Lloyd
Bentsen and Robert Rubin and Fed Chairman Greenspan--is deficit reduction,
which they believe will lead to more private investment and higher
productivity.

   This is an important debate represented capably by both sides. Mr.
Clinton
is eager to please everyone, invariably coming down with his finger to
the
wind.
   In 1995, when the president capitulates to some GOP budget cuts, Secretary
Reich confronts Vice President Al Gore, who reportedly replies: "You've
known
the President far longer than most of us. He doesn't like drawing sharp
lines." Strong presidents Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, Ronald Reagan
--
draw sharp lines.
   As the election year nears, the president is adamant to embrace a
balanced
budget. Why? "The swing voters care about this." The agenda is framed
largely
by Mr. Morris; everything is determined by polls. Mr. Morris himself
writes
that the president's selection of a vacation spot was poll-driven.
   The political consultant went over to see Mr. Reich and gave him the
formula for how ideas make it in the Clinton administration: "Put them
into
our opinion poll.... Anything under forty percent doesn't work. Fifty
percent
is a possibility. Sixty or seventy, and the President may well use it."
Under
this formula, Mr. Clinton, with Mr. Morris at his side, would have
rejected
lend-lease and the draft prior to World War Il, and the Marshall Plan after
the war.
   The Clinton presidency's endless search is for the center; this is
less out
of any conviction, Mr. Reich notes, than merely "positioning. The
visionary
leaders of America have always understood that the 'center' is a
fictitious
place, Iying somewhere south of thoughtless adherence to the status quo.
Virtually any attempt to lead--to summon forth the energies and
commitments of
Americans--will be unconventional at the time the first challenge is
sounded.
Leadership, by definition, does not cater to the center. If it did, there
would be no need to lead. The nation is already there."
   You don't have to share Mr. Reich's policy prescriptions to appreciate
the
wisdom of his analysis. The president will pay a price, current poll
ratings
notwithstanding. This is the most unique political time I've seen in 28
years
of Washington reporting. Usually when one party or philosophy is down the
other is up; today both the Democrats and Republicans are dowp, insecure
about
where they've been and unsure where to go.
   But the president seems incapable bf taking advantage as his
adversaries
a~e too weak to be effective foils. Most Wednesdays he has sessions with
the
pQlitical consultants--Mark Penn and Bob Squier, the poor man's answers
to
Dick Morris--but there is no strategic vision. Even as a lame duck, he's
unwilling to risk much political capital, sidestepping the of fort led by
Sen.
Pat Moynihan to save billions by slightly curbing the inflation
adjustment for
entitlements and taxes. If the economy goes south or the scandals worsen,
this
president has no political or policy safety net.
   Mr. Morris has explained that the president "tacks to the right when the
wind is blowing right. Then he tacks to the left when it's blowing left."
Mr.
Clinton's defenders say this is the mark of a succeSsful leader, noting
that
Franklin Roosevelt zigged and zagged and played different people and
positions
off one another.
   But FDR had core beliefs As someone once said, when you drew a line
through
his zigs and zags the direction was clear. Reading Mr. Reich's riveting
account yields a sense that if you drew a line through Mr. Clinton's zigs
and
zags you'd get a circle.

***************************************************

Copyright Notice:  This article is protected
under copyright law.  The right to disseminate
this article is also protected under copyright
law.

The copyright law permits copying of materials for
personal use under the protection of fair use.

The copyright law also permits the copying of
recent materials for the "teachable moment."
This allows copying for educational purposes.

Also, the courts generally interpret copyright
protection by economic criteria.  If the
copying of a material reduces revenues to the
copyright holder, the court usually decides in
favor of the plaintiff; if the copying doesn't
effect or increases the revenues, the court
usually decides on behalf of the defendent.

It is our judgment that occasional copying of
a newspaper article does not reduce revenues
to the publisher and can actually create more
demand for a newspaper by attracting readership.
An excerpt provides free advertising for the
publisher.

Thus, under fair use, teachable moment, and
economic criteria we selectively convey this
copyrighted material to others.

******************************************************

	   W. Curtiss Priest, Director, CITS
      Center for Information, Technology & Society
	 466 Pleasant St., Melrose, MA  02176
       Voice: 617-662-4044  [log in to unmask]
 Fax: 617-662-6882 WWW: http://www.eff.org/pub/Groups/CITS

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August 1994, Week 1
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July 1993, Week 1
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