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As described by scholar Lucian Boia, from 1945 the PNȚ emerged from the coup "believing itself the country's great party", which made it adopt a policy of "political and moral intransigence".[210] By 1947, it had 2.12 million card-carrying members,[211] as noted by Georgescu, it ranked ahead of all other parties; however, though "neither numbers nor popularity could bring it to power."[212] Maniu preserved regional influence in reconquered Northern Transylvania, organized from September 1944 under a Committee of the Liberated Regions. This was presided upon by Ionel Pop.[213] Commissariat rule often veered into an antimagyarism that was only ever curbed by the Red Army after a "six-week killing spree".[214] Various reports, including oral testimonies by Peasant Guard members and volunteers gathered by Ardealul, suggest that local Hungarians were victims of numerous lynchings, either tolerated of encouraged by the Commissariat.[215] By then, the PCdR had sparked a government!
  crisis over Maniu's rejection of its communization programs; in the aftermath, communists spuriously claimed that Maniu had personally masterminded the killing of Transylvanian Hungarians.[216] Upon taking over at Internal Affairs, PNȚ-ist Nicolae Penescu found himself accused of stalling democratization, and was pushed into resigning.[217] After Maniu was again offered the premiership, and again declined,[218] power went to General Nicolae Rădescu. Maniu and his followers agreed with the PCdR on the need for "de-fascization" in Romania, overseeing a purge of Romania's police agencies[219] and appointing Ghiță Pop as PNȚ representative on the Special Committee for the investigation of war crimes.[181] However, as noted by Boia, "curious solidarities" continued to be formed locally by anti-Carol PNȚ-ists and their Guardist counterparts.[220] Noted Guardists who were accepted as PNȚ members include Horațiu Comaniciu and Silviu Crăciunaș.[221] National Peasantists i!
 n Transylvania no longer screened against the Iron Guard, whose affiliates joined into the effort to terrorize Hungarians into leaving the area.[222] Any such recruitment drive was curbed by the PCdR, which obtained assurances from leading Guardists that they would prevent their followers from entering the PNȚ.[223] The PNȚ's vice presidents in the coup's aftermath were Mihalache, Lupu, and Mihai Popovici. Ghiță Pop was a fourth member of this team, but has to resign upon taking up a position in Sănătescu's cabinet.[224] Maniu was additionally assisted by a Permanent Delegation, whose members included Halippa, Hudiță, Lazăr, Teofil Sauciuc-Săveanu, Gheorghe Zane, as well as, with the introduction of women's suffrage, Ella Negruzzi.[35] Overall, the party was seeing a rejuvenation of its leadership, with Coposu and Virgil Veniamin taking over as junior party secretaries.[225] Noted militants included young academics—among them Radu and Șerban Cioculescu, as well as Vladimir Streinu.[226] The party lost its control over the TNȚ, wi!
 th Alexandrescu favoring a PCdR alliance. Consequently, Maniu ordered Coposu to establish a loyalist youth group, called Organizația M.[227] On February 3, 1945,[113] the youth wing broke away from the PNȚ as the Alexandrescu Peasantists. It rallied with a communist-run National Democratic Front (FND), established in October 1944, being identified in PNȚ propaganda as "lackeys of the Comm